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In a telegram sent to Mussolini on 27 March, Hitler informed the Italian chief of state that he had made all preparations "to meet a critical development by taking the necessary military countermeasures," and that he had acquainted the Hungarian and Bulgarian ministers with his views en the situation in an attempt to rouse the interest of their respective governments to lending military support. Moreover, he asked the Duce "not to start any new ventures in Albania during the next few days" but "to cover the most important passes leading from Yugoslavia to Albania with all available forces and to quickly reinforce the Italian troops along the Italian-Yugoslav border."
a. To protect the flank of the German attack forces, which were to be assembled around Graz, by moving all immediately available ground forces in the direction of Split and Jajce;
b. To switch to the defensive along the Greek-Albanian front and assemble an attack force, which was to link up with the Germans driving toward Skoplje and points farther south;
c. To neutralize the Yugoslav naval forces in the Adriatic;
d. To resume the offensive on the Greek front in Albania at a later date,
Mussolini approved the German plans and instructed General Guzzoni to comply with them. As a result, the Italian army group in Albania diverted four divisions to the protection of the eastern and northern borders of that country where they faced Yugoslavia.
When first approached, the Hungarians showed little enthusiasm for participating in the campaign against Yugoslavia. They made no immediate military preparations, but gave their permission for the assembly of one German corps near the western Hungarian border southwest of lake Balaton.
Romanian units were to guard the Romanian-Yugoslav border and, together with the Gorman military mission stationed in that country, provide rear guard protection against an attack on the Soviet Union. Antor.escu was greatly concerned over the possibility of Russian intervention in the Balkans as soon as Germany invaded Yugoslavia. His apprehensions were based on rumors regarding the signature of a treaty of non-aggression and friendship between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. Hitler tried to reassure him by-promising maximum German support and ordering the immediate reinforcement of the German antiaircraft artillery units in Romania and the transfer of additional fire-fighting forces to the oil region.
King Boris of Bulgaria refused to lend active support in the campaigns against Greece and Yugoslavia. He pointed out that by 15 April only five Bulgarian divisions would be available for deployment along the Turkish border and that he could not possibly commit any forces elsewhere.
On 3 April a Yugoslav delegation arrived in Moscow to sign a pact of mutual assistance with the Soviet Union. Instead, they signed a treaty of friendship and non-aggression two days later. By concluding this treaty the Soviet Government apparently wanted to show its interest in Yugoslavia and the Balkans without much hope that this gesture would induce Hitler to reconsider his decision to attack Yugoslavia. The next day, 6 April 1941, the Luftwaffe unleashed an air attack on Belgrade and the German Army started to invade Yugoslavia.
Upon his assumption of power on 27 March 1941, General Simovic, the new head of the Yugoslav Government, was faced with a difficult situation. Realizing that Germany was making feverish preparations to invade Yugoslavia, he tried his utmost to unify his government by including representative Croat elements. It was not until 3 April — just three days before the German attack was launched — that the Croat leaders finally joined the Simovic government. Upon entering the cabinet, Croat representatives appealed to their people to give the new regime whole-hearted support. However, any semblance of national solidarity was to be short lived. When Croatia proclaimed itself an independent state with Hitler’s blessings on 10 April, the Croat political leaders promptly left the national government in Belgrade and returned to Zagreb. Thus the cleft in Yugoslavia’s national unity, superficially closed for exactly seven days, became final and complete.
While the Simovic government made every effort to maintain friendly relations with Germany, Hitler was bent on settling the issue by force of arms. Preparations for the rapid conquest of Yugoslavia were hastened so as not to jeopardize the impending campaign against Russia. Germany’s limited resources precluded the possibility of tying down forces in Yugoslavia for a;v protracted period while simultaneously invading the Soviet Union.
Whereas the German General Staff had prepared studies for the invasion of almost every European country, the possibility of an attack on Yugoslavia had hitherto not been considered try by Army planners. For a better understanding of the problems involved in the campaign against Yugoslavia, it is necessary to examine the topographic features of that country.
Chapter 4. Military Topography.

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